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User Guide 1463

1. 6 9 Re LT C ONOO o t ISO utar OC OG EN 00 PAN un oot eS EO TIED INED 238 NAND DOO St SEZ9UM Sy Ne Q CORO SE EN Ne MORO omae cee BOOS 9900 OC DOOQO OOO gt O OOO oO OOO O S O O BOOS Om 9000 00000000 G lt 00 0 CO CUT Eu NO ORS ETI OO Core SEO COR Co 7 CUI SEL Or NUNNA Oa DOU UNO Of BERL IX C0 0000 00 00 600060 0000 0 OA AR AD OO O00 vun TN AtMY VI MCMIIMKMNKIMN BP 90 2 2700 Oe wun Tos vn OAR 9 eue 00 uS OR MOS 2 03 99 09 9 P b amp 9 O P 9 P 9 9 gt e e lt O COO t OD Oen CIC Me O d un RNIN N R PIED be er Ot 3 a L a gee gt gt 79999499 s wee Q yr cO ry o MOAI OO CO CM N Os BLOOD SENS DIU v OR O COS CO OR ROR ON COO O OO OO o e DOS OOO OC OQ CO OC OC SCO C C O c coc 9 9 8 9 B B b B 6 9 B P P B P B
2. ENT wa eree Me ce L lt L N r t k L C C CS OOS OC CX O COS C gt BOS CX OCS OG CO CC h c SG OMG ee TN eR GAO MICE BE PICU t SO CO 5 3 E BAL COSTAR CAN k NOMAN eC SER ERI oO a EE a CENT NS Nei xxn v EA SEXO NU EN COPS 5 COP Oo o pem ge aa anes ee ie ML DOM 5 1 etn L OS GC v ORATOR Me 400 O00 NOU SON CO Oh GO STP Conc e LY Jd C C BR LEIR Kk LIL OQ lt SC Carm xu SOP OS C 041 STOO Cato x uo SOOO un NON DO ANNO 699050 cO 00 0000 0500 OO OO O C O OC OO O0o0 Vu 19 30 29 19 50 50 19 31 30 19 32 93 19 30 44 16 30 54 19 50 52 12 30 52 19 31 19 19 31 22 19 31 22 19 31 22 19 31 30 19 31 32 19 51 52 19 32 49 10 32 19 19 32 19 OAGEOL OHQJOB OA RJOB 0f QJOP 0 0J0B O XFAT O XFAT O XPCK O XPCK O TIDY O TIDY OF TIDY 08 0 0 O TIDY ACCOUNT CODE JOB NAME USER FERIPHERALS USED TIME RRR 27m 2368 WGOFOL 250 DISP PLTD 18240 OJOB 18176
3. I SE COO COO CII SOI E SOCIO OO MOQ X QO OQ NODS BOS n OS oS G ME MEME LN OE P eree er 7 N CEU FP T MEME M 53 LISTING OF ATLANTA DATA FOR SSRC gt COOP OARS 90 O00 u COONAN MAMONO RII OOO c Mf Ne CC FENDON aaan MOMS OO OR ROO NE O e 9 9 lt lt lt a 9 9 9 lt 9 9 9 lt 9 a 9 lt lt SEL c U CO CEO do QNO Cnt CN etd ROLL S SEU PE NE SSE SI Y Ee SEE AEN OE INNO Cr SEBO Q CKMC Cun COR CC Or CO FEV CONG CADO XO SOIN E et e e 9 4 9 9 9 9 T 5 eee Oc coc CEO gt lt OO GO Co dU PAP NOUN COS OC CX lt lt lt lt lt lt lt t Ca gt NORE PONE le EOD OO TO Oe KO lt CC CX QUESTI CO Sect foe CS Mew lt CLE Mv c C n CC QOO OCS lt lt M e MNS eK e 9 9 4
4. 69 Y OOD OPO COUN c Xd ut Fc q c G G 9 m lt lt lt e gt SCN On 00 PO GIA PI OLR dE PS OO eG TOON OS OD uh PIS NNN e SEE ER id PO PY SE SEE SENSE ED NO OO CuD OON Ne ie EC EE ICAU OR 1 00 OO EO LN oan lt lt lt ees lt we wwe pi glk ed ala ae lt lt OO ccc eee 7 UC CL et C QU PONE OC CO VI SG OC NO OC BODIE CUPS M TO lt 09 9 o 9 9 9 CO QC EP STOOP RODE INN OO ON IS NO US ANN Oe OS MORSE C f cO lt eamm PN OED OP Oeae AE ETE Ee Q 2 BO NOOS 00 Cul ey QC N ONO CPS EOM eNe emn Me MER eO d De NP OO QOO UO NI OC COKE 4 UNE RD CONG SGU SE t UNG SEP ODS MELT wt Xo xx NN lt SOO C CZ OPE OO Cr QA OG gt Co UO lt lt lt lt lt e MAMAM SE SPST AES
5. BOOS OOQOOOD OO CO OO O OO OO O OO O O OO dO OOOO OOOD gt gt eO dS ON SO DUC SONS E Oe Bar OD NP cC lt ON f CO COS Riot 3 PN e CIO Mr et eee Net Me w eere lt w lt w w eee e OX OOOO OO CCC Co COCO COCO CX5 CC OOS COCO OOOO OOOO O OOOO gt lt gt 9 ee Pe eT INP tN COINCONO SOR coal ORN E O lt lt OLN ABD p COINS rrr OX COOC GOS SO GOD OOOO OOOO OOOO O OOOD ME Me lt M oded 4 N SMMANNM em 7 EY Pat uS Q Xin o CC xo NG Oec Vita Oc EE Noo com eere lt lt lt AALS PO 2 2 2 S F S Tu ri LY LISTING OF ATLALTA DATA FOR ssRC OOOO OO OO 20000 OOOO OOOO OOOO 98000000000 00000 COSCO GOO COCO 5 59 9 9 P 5 9 gt gt h 9 P 9 o P P P P gt 90000000 00000 0000 OOOCO OOCX OO OOOQO 000090 OOOO OOS OO OOO gt OO O 0000 2000 BOOS OOOO OOO O COCO OO 90000 2000 OOoooooo COCO BR ORNs OMON OON eB BP EMEND SEP OOM OO 00 AROS
6. B gt B amp 9 h G UO x OO POCO ee ee POP One INPRO Pir NO O Ge SILANE MNP Mm ee Ne Cte TUN STOR M COL FORO NO M OH SE try CO EET NCO Oo a S m sii am NR MARS RB eC bem as MN BUM ial ale E E a E pmo 7 Nich nt ee mo Naa ae ee MINS OOo e Cono aman tet 2 SOG OC we OOOO C C Ge CIO OOO OE OO COO C J CUA gt amp 9 9 9 9 b 9 9 9 NONE ME UL OC C c 0 DOS SOR NINOS uy INSCOO Os ete O O 00 e OIG lt RRO au lt c lt CAC lt C un ORO Ox PI SEV CN Pn tuy OCOD a WWII X9 OPF 200 00 90 000000 OMA OOM SOC C nn LISTING OF ATLANTA DATA FOR SSRC 1470 OO OOOOQO OOOO CO gt gt CX COO COO OOOQO OOO OOOO O lt GO P gt B gt OO OOOO OOOO 9000 O OC OO OC O OO O00 0000 OOQO OOOO OOOOOO OO CO ODC
7. 9 P 5a 9 5 9 oor DOMINIC ONO COD UD QE COO OO I OO PO SOS OA CO FATA OS PIOS COO PCA HN P IPOSD DO N SOW O amp O OP Otro e 9 9 gt 9 9 es P 9 P 9 9 9 9 9 o gt CODE EOD Low BNO OLD PROD Fry OCO SOE CADO eT I PRO PVP 2 FE EU PSO P 3 EE us UIC CO CONO SOLON CROCE CO xt m P M b b P P 9 P gt b P n b eec NO OREN PIX QOO CXII 00 00 STING C cona Eo 0000 f O lt lt lt w lt lt e N cee NNN MGS SEI lt Oni SO dicen BEAD XE C C SE lt 9 ow lt ee OE Oe CU Oe lt C IN CO CS fu lt COS SO OO OOOO ua s e a s s s 9 5 SD SOON
8. PET EOIN OO OO OT SION Cu OQ CO NSE d w re wn rw eee 7 cece CNM AMIN NA Y UY VAPYCMN Meee w eo OOS OO OQ OOS 9000 GOSS C CD D CO QOO OCO GOSS OOO OCC eo 9 9 x P 9 s gt eee we we IMO J ICYCOCO lt OS O00 f D CORO NEC IN ORO PP INI 90 ot O 2 O0 OS OV MONT NO ORT TO CO COUN Ou Cs OO Ree lt CN COD un XE HEC V POG EP OND OOC Co pO NO PA ER MIP On COCO pia Coco CO Arn MAP OMAR XE OO O AA COCO w ere re F caren eN eA PS COSC OOOO COCS COSCO COCO OCOCO CO OO XO OX O O VOCS OOCOS CXD2QXZ OOO O 5 P B 9 9 9 9 9 eee sz hl amp P gt gt 9 P 5 Cor CO Of SOE w N COINS RD O O NICO ND eO le CR COD e P DUO eena a TE OO CN Se ee ee eer OU MEL sconce MOTON Came DAT MOM CROP RT N N I 7 SS QC OC C OO COLOCO COLOCOU p OCOT OC SO C gt l CC OCOC amp gt b 9 Bo P s 9 9
9. Population Density rer Acre of Occupied Units Which the Average Room Occupance 15 Greater than 1 0 Source Bederman 1974 30 aed KERR 4 R i RBRRRER P RE GPE PPP RBRERRERR MINNIE RRRRRERRRERKRRRRI RPRRRRPREPRRRRRRRREPERP PRRRRURRRDRRRRRERREHRERRE PRRRRRRRRRRRRR JOBF LISTERB UGFAOS7 GOODYEAR 5 RUN BY GEORGE 2 19 06 80 AERA UGFAC3 QFORTRAN 5000 20 50 JOB NUMREP UGFAC37 RATION LEFT 50 UNITS ZR NE QUES pies lt 7 gt gt gt 52484 s vsT CN 3014 JUNE 188022253 Www i kok ede o v wae PLEASE wek THESE ARE THE STREAM LIMITS MAXIMUM FOR ALL GEORGE LAE wwe INPUT SHORT LONG WALT wet PILL TINE SECONDS 100 300 1000 key awe CORE SIZE WORDS 40K 100K hee NUMBER OF EPS 30 PACKS 0 0 2 FUMBER HAGNETIC TAPES 1 2 3 ewe eek LINES OF GUTPUT 5000 10000 10000 pte CARD PAPER TAPE PUNCH HO YES YES poss o ON LINE PERIPHERALS 10 NO YES au ANYTHING EXCEEDING THE WAIT STREAM LIMITS SHOULD AUTHORISED wew BY D TREANOR OR R MILLER BEFORE SUBMITTING EXT 582 ROOM 556 wee WARNING LEA wer FAILURE TO ADHERE TO THESE STREAM LI
10. mJ gt gt x NO LIUM 4 t tee ZzOGunuxaoaa 4 206 5 t My u wo lt lt L gt gt gt lt LU LU ue tet Oe ee ca xx Qz Oc gt gt wen g lt x du gt etd on x amar Lm mem c 00 ia LO cO a ax ai we wn eo in uo p NO OR Coe tu LO O Coe un OR L ON UO CO Co Ge PY Eun x 7 7074 M NONO 3 3 3 2 tt SS NEN Q O C CAO NONO GO aS gt OSC COCO GOS COSSCCOCSCOS COC gt gt OO OO OOS O OOO OCO IND OL OD D C DOD D DODO DOI OOD Cb O00 DO OX 29000 SDD TIDY 405 LENGTH END CF SEGMENT FINISH 0077 ERD CF COMPILATION NU LRRORS 13 BUCKETS USED 5 SUBFILE TIME 19 31 22 19 06 80 DATE CONSCLIDATED
11. ATLANTA FOR COONS 3 0C EUN CON 00 CUD NOTOS PICO BR SO 9 XE OOO gt gt gt gt gt gt gt gt gt em ee ME e cie t a ee ox LE ge aka we NN R t 6 9 P gt gt 9 b B Rob PO o Roe bo D 9 P x 9 9 gt OCO WINS OPPO OOOO OCIO OO OP 40 2 OM NID TN C POO x03 O PICO ONIN PIO NONO OU CHO OO O O lt Aooor BOO BOOS OOOO OOO OOO CC O CC OS O OOS OOS XO OOOO C CD OO 0 0 O N Oe fe TO QO0V OO S ORR TO lt PX fy UNEO O SP PS SPP G Ot MOUNT OUI ee CU lt a CecC wt SOLO IN N lt AO MN AIGA WOON C SOUR TOR POO ICR UE C Cook Ak MIN e Meet MMe Se OE wer OOS OOS XO OX COCO XO CX OQ CQ CQ CXOXO QO CX C OOOO Co OCS OOOO COOCOO ex v See ee Me MTM e a7 20 ee ee w a c CG GS O COG COOK CL OL SC C C CM m B m m e ee B c9 M m m R
12. inequality later in this paver Between 1960 and 1970 the tot amp l population of the City of Atlante increased slightly from 488 350 to 196 975 The pattern of population change within the city Figure 2 shows marked contrasts however The relatively rapid growth of the western suburts shows up with less spectacular growth in the north The inner perts of the city around the C B D somewhat off centre in an easterly direction reveal almost unrelieved porulaticn decrease with some very high rates locally where urban renewal or slum clearence its greatest impact During the 1970 78 period in which there has been an overall net loss of city population increases have teen larrely confined to few suburban tracts mainly in the west and south with the most rapid growth now transferred across the city limits into the newer suburbs Large proportionel decreases are still registered in some inner city tracts althcugh the pace of slum clearance has slackened The changing racial geograrhy of Atlanta must te described in some detail as this is fundomental to the central issue of inequality Like other southern cities Atlanta has a long history of racial residential segregation Far from being reduced by the upward mobility cf blacks and the integration rhetoric of the civil rights struggle the levei of sesregetion was in the 1960s as great if not greater than ever Taeuber and Taeuter 19 5 40 show increases in their index of res
13. the constraints imposed by the preservation of some pattern of race residential segregation The significance o recent shifts in population is summarized in consultants report as follows result of these trends is the increasing division cf Atlante society into black and white rich and poor communities more segregated physically socially and economically than in the previous 25 years Policy Design Corporation 1975 56 The remainder of this study seeks to exsmine this assertion and its implications for inequality in Atlanta by establishing some basic facts and then offering an interpretation of the process involved SELECTION OF INDICATORS To establish the facts with respect to inequality in Atlante requires a selection of sociel indicators These must be canable of measuring the level of inequality at the chosen datum points of 1960 and 1970 so as to provide a reading on how far inequality has decreased increased Ideally the indicators should be numerous encugh to reflect a variety of attributes associated with the broad concepts of living standards or social well being The development of intra ciiy social indicators has been focus of considerable research human geography over the past decade see Smith 1973 Chapters 3 8 Smth 1977 Charter 10 Smth 1979 Chapter 4 but such studies almost invariably static rather than dynamic The emphasis on change in this present study acts as a constraint on t
14. tnan an industrial city with offices of banks utilities and other corporations added to those of old established Atlante concerns the most notable being the Coca Cola Company With the central business district dominated by expensive rew hotels and convention facilities its monoreil rapid transit system nearing completion its suburban office parks and well to do residential areas Atlanta presents the physical expression of the prosperity anc modernity commonly associated with the new South end with the growing promicence of the southern sunbelt in the spatiel pattern cf America s economic growth But there 15 another side to Atlanta of course Its most conspicuous physical expression 15 the area of housing dilapidation and poverty largely surrounding the C B D partially cleared and patchily reconstructed during two decades of urban renewal but still today a stark contrast with the concrete and glass glitter of the nearby office blocks and luxury hotels While by no means all the poverty areas are occupied by blacks it was within the black community that the most serious social deprivation wis to be found during the 19 0s Atlanta was an early centre of the civil rights movement under the leadership of the Rev Martin Luther King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference The city also threw up its own embodiment cf vhite backlash in Lester Maddox whose refusal to integrate his fried chicken restaurant attracte
15. 9 s 9 P Re COUN Oe Xu de CC SO SE ACO Cr IQ e MI OD PID OCO Cun TY O On tts OE Zn SOY A EP ot I CE COD SONO SECO COMBE OP RON OPO RECO E ORO NAN CGO RTE CoP ICA erce ee Ne Me Neree NMN NNNMNN eeN mere eae 7M C lt O CO OLOCO TOLO O OS C OCD C C C BOOS OOO CC e e m mn e ew n see n s e 9 s n a p n e gt B 9 9 n IS X oP lt IO OO NI Af MONA SO EMI wu Of CN ONNO ONU J PAT SPINS Z RO CPI Pate Su MK lt GENS XI CO t BME IE c c7 O0 VEG ITI COL AO CUCOLE LA CUSCO COIN O COM UAE NICO 07 OOD PROM MOM Cue MOO NO NIB OA SOE NN t SEM MEO MOVES ipd vu SUE DO C C lt ORR SOIN COO Q SEL ooo Sun t Oe N Pun CO C cun O IN cG 2090 CO 0000 20 0090 BOOS OO un 3 LISTING OF ATLANTA FOR SSRC 7O NETO COND OCIA PIERO OR OPM SOP otf CI NANO JO OW CO oe gt Pp lt
16. BY 12F Bee M ORE ont ox w lt gt c aqro A e a a Tun TIDY SEG LISTING OF ATLANTA DATA FOR ssnC 160 gt gt gt SOOO OOO SOOO OOOO gt OCO O 9 P 9 gt gt SOOO COCO OOD C000 0000 0000000050500 ooo OOOOOOOODOo gt gt OOOO OOO OO O AWO OCO CE OONO CONS Me O COCR ROM OOO ROS P b gt gt gt gt gt gt NOMO POOR Ow OR un O O 0 NOPD FO SST ent OS PIONS CU INT ES verno MEO CH DINOOD C MKI F ux CAN OOOO PON ON CO MMN MN AIO ONT PENSE CC OX OSS GOOG COCO Q OX C COC COC Coco CX gt gt m P P s 5 B b B5 P B P OO Oe CO Ond Ost DO OSO lt NOD ON RO
17. INTE ok went e MOS L TT vot dn videt epe dee a 65 5 A 5865 B5 B A E k EAEE a e amp 8 B6 P o 9 9 9 b B 9 5 B P9 9 5 b rr COP COv C b c O Oe ER BOO COR amp amn Pn Parents rare ee amp 11 644 tas IATA COING ORS C lt AINE 00 OS MONK co C e om s 6 9 Rb m m b R eb V m amp M P m bw ee E son In ex lt O Cord BOS KOR OM MCCC OM Eras it s sania ers Ma cee oe TE 15151 LLR a L AA ASTIN ORO C ECU MINTED CO O oe Q Ce B C C 0f c NINN NIN CMPD PPO NY S d St tt tt ttn nin AW CHANGE IN CHANGE HOUSING uN T 10 s SSRC FOR LISTING OF ATLANTA DATA Cc VA M OR 4200 MfMKIO N C V Cou ND MO tO e S2 rw lt 0 CNC OO INK An NORE SOMOS Ce NOOO ONIN 00090 ONTO W000 Mee Pe PS Me TPN Od400 00 EAEAN ee TOM lt t N CO OO M e TAND oer M 9 9 9 9 gt 9 9 9 o 9o x oa s E
18. MITS WILL CAUSE woe DELAY IN THE RUNNING YOUR PROGRAM AND DELETION SUBSEQUENT OCCASIONS war wee vw w Ree wee ee dede deo tek dedo dr kew X THIS JOB WAS RUN ON lACHINE 649 COMPILATION BY XFAT C DATE 16 06 80 TIME 19 80 54 32 102 106102 Dr CAG nn 32 210 0 o e lt un lt a lt gt gt am 2 we lt lt s V b t gt e x gt Vut aw cre N t UJ XL usc F F lt d au 42 DO lt u u Zu Zx lt 2 73 MT 2 e lt lt ws N gt gt al aw cr BR LE Ob i or ee 1 3 03 lt in NN J CACH 48812516 Eg 494 t 5X ow CACM 12 16 U uJ O UL UU ee ME Et bo x O 1 23e3 mn c Au FN N N e e d M gt
19. NC E Wm A UN OO OUR C PINO OU PRS PIO DAC CHAM O IN OO PONO uU Min uy MOS O NOI el QC NTO CIO ND SENS De e CD t De COG OE PS OU TINGS Xx OO NL SOR On C OCcOU OU FOU c Q OO CO 0S NO COCO PAU EO CON CO X LOR OO SO NOD E NOP MIS cO SEU a MADa ty AS G a Ke De Muta ie s A baka eS er e CO CC lt NMN O eN TE C CIN Eun Oe LOD Oh Coe M m STO cogo a ee O SO SOOO P PISIS IN F lt PN 2000 90 00 00 00 CR O O O BODO O OOO OO NN N MIN i LISTING OF ATLANTA FOR SSRC 5 cc c ro ce QoS coco SS NE POR 1 K EMTS OOO Se b B PROL FE b bbhk 6 BE amp a a ee lt 9 lt b 9 gt gt ewe Roh a 9 PP eee O Or gt Nw EP ACO CONOR VyU W OG MINE O04 CNI KANTORA er ae ee ee eee EN 3 di un CAL aa Pet oo ae L tk hh k t eas w 9 4 9 9 5 m 9 CO C OCO O0 SINE ATT Foo OA PD One OREO SOM CO Q OES Se ON a a E A cee Cee EFIE
20. O X N SORIA SIS PON TOS CHOOAC MOOR SN Ou Qn C 09 lt UG ICO TOON Oe NOICO v Men MOAR IAM MNAM cc C COG SO CO CCC C lC OOOO O OOOO CCS OCO r lt c7 Nie Ne OY w w w Cece ww C OC OC CSO DO CD CAU CTTO OCC GOL C CQ cac C O a a 6 9 b a 9 P 9 b 9 9 gt UN Rae Sf OR 04200 C Off E 206 D gt O ATOM CG 2 STATUES xg NOU CO INS CC mto POCO GOD CORO SOINS NS COO OO CUN CONT MONI OS OM OM No EC CO QN POP PS Caco NAMM Ci S MIA Ea 22 C UNS Rd SERE SENSE YN XO Dau SE Y SEU rutuy ONO SOP MINTED SOR CC OY SNS CNG COG erce eee er NID NONAS PON SST SINT SPST SS nin ToTAL VNTS SSRC FOR LISTING OF ATLANTA LATA 1460 OD O OO OS OOOO OSD OOOO COD DOO OO gt gt gt 000 OOOO OOO OOOO OOOO cc ec fer w lt lt Neee lt IN N MYMa IEE ENO EOS Ee SOE SO ee SINT SE e fee CC OOO OO OS OOOO OOS O OOOO OOS CC CO O C O C OUO O BOOS OO
21. OQO OCOocooOoOoc 06 amp gt 5 OPRAH NO AN ER PO Co gt RII Ne N WN MOM Ofer GSMO MO Prom SE Meh DS SMe lt AN Oe Ne OO e SENNA MOSS OAT NN OC CO SS CCC C GOSS GOSS OS COC OCOD CCE O COO C C uico OOOO ere e erNeN lt amp amp a eN er Ne e er lt ee 74 a M cere SOS O OD HS OOO C C VOCs CS u SOO uu OOS O Ctr One aanne o9 b P we gt 9 9 gt o S N D Ve TON OS XD MAMUN stad 20 Me ABTA C NON c C DIO OR Ce OM Xx uai OOPS OPO oe ce AI ODO o ONS 9 OOD 0000 0050 20 cO 0000 00 AAA O ORO OO OO OO pO gt gt eN NENEN AIS AR LISTING OF ATLALTA DATA FOR SSRC 1460 DO NANCE St CO CO M OOO BOR CX OS Cam Ne SET 6 lt VE M POCO T OO in CODO ee RI s OMOM e oC lt lt ere WANT MEOS PB
22. P P 8 9 OM ONNIMANNI MOT IS gt CEP M HT NYOO000 CN Uf rre XX e IN und un ALOE PINSON NP CC Anu SSO EBD wv NOI OON NICHE XE OR OO STS Ne Mo Sr a ame ee eI SRN SSRC lt C CO COCO CE COCO CO OC COS COCO OOO OTOC O OCOC e e 6 gt 9 9 gt o 9 B Rh 9 b P P Po oono ee DIO UND NO PI PICO SECURE BW CG v O00 it IN NYN COO OG MANG Oet TON SO OD NCO CO ere Peet SOP ORIN ALC SEE OO Cre CO C ERN DUE cal Nee ew ee ece er m e SO lt CAL OS cC MOV D OOO O00 OOD eo gt e n IN WRONG C O CO PION Be 00 Or MNA MW 6430 CO Ae CAO T eu OEP KOR Co CO NO SE SST CE a CL COUCO SO cu 00 009 STO MIN COM ON OCN O eo MPO Dn ic SMe Me MON SENN a EE e NL u ON CO Carm SE eM ooo Cc OD Oo come lt lt NfMAKN MCA PY MIRO MONT 2 2 53 we wrt rst tr inn LISTING OF ATLAKTA DATA FOR Z CHANGE 1460 70 9 BLACK lave r Hoos UNITS 197 3 Tor foPiN 147 SSRC LISTING OF
23. T ST tn LN 4 SSRC LISTING OF ATLANTA FOR YNSSING VALUE 1460 x medan CONN Or gt SO N o0N CO LAE POOR en Oe CUm CA SEAR Cc gt 99 gt 9 9 9 9 gt gt P b s mee P 5 ee ee FOO NBM Ou e Oe OMON OOO No une e NIO NDONYA MOM t OON Fun OC DOO CEO CON SEP POR CUT NO JO e 9 P 9 b 9 P 9 9 9 e e P B 9 gt 9 h 9 9 Myra M dg une X Ow lt NM ODDO Ont 06 uri OO CO 0040 3 XE XO X INA PBI 2 e lt t py et OD MNNM UNS ON tA O Uya ON SO BOLE ORL N Men gt lt gt gt s s MOP CD O00 OOO AMO N Nr DONO 00 POS PO et HE SEARO tfu cc SSO OC 9079 7 ce CONO MD f CU COE XO SO IM COCONUT PRO OIG CANO Co ee b b P gt s 9 P
24. UK Data Archive Study Number 1463 Inequality in the American City Census Data for Atlanta Georgia USA 1960 1970 1 INTRODUCTION Marked inequality 1n living standards 1s a repetitive feature of the American city The most obvious spatial manifestation is to be found in the low levels of living in the inner city ccmpared with the affluent suburbs Inner eity poverty or social deprivation is traditionally associated with the so called black ghetto the persistence of which is widely recognized as an affront to social justice While general reduction of inequality does not figure prominently in American political rhetoric the elimination of zhetto poverty and the imprcvement of the quality of lafe for blacks has been a widely espoused national aspiration since the civil rights movement of the 1950s Indeed during the 1960s the problems of the black ghetto emerged a leading domestic pricrity espoused by the political and academic establishment The removal of the ghetto and the integration of the black population into the mainstream of American life could be expected to change the spatial expression cf inequality in the American city in significant respects With the areas of worst housing and social deprivation gone intra city differences levels of living would obviously be reduced Two features of the 1960s might lend support to such an expectation the urban renewal programmes responsible for the physical elimination of poor hous
25. and 1970 data for other conditions e g the tuberculosis rate also failed for similar reasons of incomplete or inadequate records study thus confined to census date as the only source th2t permits the identification of change at the required level of territorial disagregation 19 In the final selection o indicators median rent families with female head population 15 and under 65 and ever and cpulstion density were dropped from Bederman s list The first had enough tracts in 1960 with no values to render the measurement of change dubious in any event rentals are highly correlated with the value of owner occupied housing units r 691 in 1970 the second was not available for 1960 while the third and fourth are difficult to interpret One variable nct usec by Bederman was added median school years completed The five chosen indicators are listed in Table 2 along with their extreme values to give some imoression of the ranges along which the individual tracts are distributed While census tracts are not ideal territcrial units of observaticn there is no alternative in this type of analysis Although they differ considerably in size and shane as the mans reveal they are designed to be relatively homogeneous with respect to the econcmic and social characteristics of their populations Tracts are also defined to avoid large discrepancies of total population in 1960 the tract nopulaticns as use
26. anning Commission However the Central City has been losing population at the rate of about 1 ner cent a year since it resched its peak towards the end of the 1960s largely the result of white moves to the outer suburbs Atlanta reveals most of the economic end social problems usually identified with the contemporary American metropolis But it hes its own special features including extremely high crime rates especially for homicide Some of the broader background to this is described by Hartshorn et al 1976 53 ss follows Most of these murders occur outside the downtewm in a band of lower income black neighborhoods borderine the C B D and predominently the result of domestic squabbles and friction among acquaintances The southern tradition of teking the lew into one s own hands the mystique of protecting one s honor the everpresent distrust of the pclice among blacks the abundance of handguns the use of alcohol and under employment are other factors associated with violent crime in Atlanta Low paying menial blue collar service jobs offering little advancement potential or satisfaction are the only occupations open to unskilled blacks High job absenteeism turnover rates are commonplace and run deep in inner city neighborhoods Poverty overcrowded homes the high frequency of female headed households and the lack of child supervision frequently pervade these hich crime areas In short social disorganization pr
27. anta has a long established black population with its own institutions and a middle class that goes back three or four generations With the importance of Atlante in the civil rights movement and black political emancipation these conditions might be regarded as particularly favourable for black economic and social advancement once the rigid segregation and overt discrimination of the old South had been overcome In other words if blacks cannot make out in Atlanta they are not likely to do so anywhere else in America And if the prosperity and urban reconstruction of the 1960s did not create more equal city in Atlanta then the prospects of this happening elsewhere are rather remote While no scientific claim can be made that this case study is representative of broader experience what has been observed Atlanta might well provide a pointer towards likely trends in intra city differentiation elsewhere as the American metropolis emerges from a quarter of a century of change in the economic status and residential arrangement of its black population BACKGROUND Atlanta is the major cemmerciel centre for the south erstern corner of the United States Devastated in the Civil Var the city was quickly rebuilt 8 spirit of growth or1ented civic enterprise that still characterizes Atlanta today and which is popularly viewed as symbolic of the economic rise the South Atlanta has always been more of 4 regional service centre
28. ber of mixed tracts were in an active process of transition from white to black The process of race residential change in Atlanta is of very great interest in its own right reflecting important features of the contemporary dynamics of the American city The events of the past thirty yeas have been described in detail elsewhere Glazer ind licEntire 1960 14 51 Bederman 1973 Ovensnaw 1973 Hartshorn et al 1976 16 50 Stone 1976 a summary is all that is required here witn the latest Available figures to bring the story up to date 1920 there were already 60 000 blacks living Atlanta this figure grew steadily during the inter war period By 1950 the city s poruletion was hy per cent black but they were confined to what Hartshorn et al 1976 46 describe as carefully rrescribed so called ghetto areas around the western eastern and southern fringes of the C B D see map Taeuber and Tacuber 1966 270 There had been few distributional changes since 1930 aid the expansion of the black population was creating increased pressure for outward extension of the lack residential areas 1 11 on the part of blacks with effective demand for better housing Whites were moving out of the city ane it took a mejor annexrtion of predominantly white suburbs which tripled the area of the city in 1952 to maintain white numerical supremacy The of large areas to the north west and sout
29. d enough attention and symmathy to win him election as Governor of Georgia The civil rights struggle and the response of the white supremacists the form of the Ku Klux Klan waged against the background of unprecedented if highly selective prosperity civic boosterism personel greed sharp business practice anc political chicanery 15 an essential pert of the context of social and spatial change in Atlanta during the 1960s All this is vividly described in e recent novel by Machlin 1979 At the time of the Civil War the ponulation of Atlanta wes 15 000 A century leter the 1970 Census recorded 1 387 600 people in the Atlanta Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area composed of the counties of Clayton Cobb Dekalb Fulton and Gwinnett Figure 1 The vovulation t of the Central City with which this study is concerned was 197 000 35 8 of the total for the S M S A The area shown as the Urban Fringe in Figure 1 population of 616 000 most cf this teing in suburban areas immediately beyond the city limits important contributor to Atlanta s recent growth has been inward migration not only of highly mobile professional and skilled workers but also of voor people displaced by the mechanization of avriculture and by economic decline in the southern Appalachians Since 1970 the 5 5 4 nepulation has risen by an average of 31 100 year to give 1973 figure of almost 1 650 000 according to the Atlanta Regional Pl
30. d in this study ranged from 1308 to 10 071 with a standard deviation of 1816 about the mean cf 4717 for 1970 the statistics were a minimum ef 754 maximum of 19 580 a standard devietion of 3037 and a mean of 4806 Nevertheless most of the well known difficulties cf workinz with such population aggregates do arise including the problem of the so callec ecological fallacy which limits what the deta may legitimately yield Four tracts have been omitted because cf incomplete or otherwise misleading data A few tracts have been amalgamated to facilitate the comparison between 1960 and 1970 Fortunately tract definitions chan sd very little from the ore census to the other and have also been little altered for the 1980 census which along with the stability of definition of the variables themselves makes temporal comparison much easier than would otherwise be the case Table 1 Variables used in Bederman s Quality of Life Index Health Factor Infant Mortality 1968 1969 1970 averave Public Order Factor Assaults 1000 People BDurglories per 1000 Housing Units Housing Quality Factor cf Housing Units Leckineg 11 or Some Plumbing Median Velue of Syecified Owner Occupied Housing Units Median Rent of Specified Renter Occupied Units 1 Factor Median Family Income of Families with Female as Head of Total Population 15 Years and Under and 65 Years anc Older Density Factor
31. e shown later in this paner Atlanta also has problems arising from its spatial and built forn To quote Hartshorn et al again Many pressing problems in Atlenta are due to tne rapid rate of zrcwth end the strains of adjusting tc it Among these are excessive governmental fra rentstion spot zoning the lack of comprehensive plenning and aberrations in the housing market The large number of governmental jurisdicticns in tne area has led to extremely variable tax rates The city of Atlanta provides many services to unincorporated bedroom communities areas whien many feel arc not paying their way and hence being subsidized by poorer city residents Such problems are shered by most major American cities but they are exacerbated in the situation of substantial population growth and spatial rearrangement which has been Atlanta s recent experience Two aspects of population change are of narticular relevance to the enalysis of trends in inequality These are the redistribution of population within the city and the shifting racial residentzal pattern The most important features may be described briefly with the assistance of mans illustrating changes from 1960 to 1970 reveal gt 1 by Census data anc also the subsequent trends un to 1978 inciceitcd by the population estimates of the Atlanta Regional Commission The territcrisl units of observation are the 102 census tracts conbinations thereof that form the framework for the examination of
32. e trends in race and space inequality in one American city during the decade 1960 to 1970 The city in question is Atlanta Georgia The time period chosen covers some important changes in the socisl geography of the city arising from major urban renewal projects and some expansion of black residential space The intention is to describe these changes as preliminary to testing some of the hypotheses outlined above These findings will then be related to an interpretation of the process of change in Atlanta over the period under review The data base is derived from the Census of Population and Housing for 1960 and 1970 The analysis presented here is the first stage of a project that it is hoped will subsequently use the results of the 1980 Census to extend the examination of trends in inequality in Atlanta over a further ten year period The choice of the city of Atlanta is explained fully in the body of the paper However it is worth mentioning at the outset that Atlanta has achieved a special identity in recent years as boom city of the prosperous South as home of Martin Luther King and other prominent black leaders as the first major southern city to elect black mayor anc as the political power base from which Jimmy Certer projected himself into the Presidency of the United States What is perhaps more important to the specific focus of this paper is that unlike northern cities with their more recent influx of blacks Atl
33. evails The racial dimension of deprivation is underlined by U S Bureau n tne central p of Census estimate of 48 8 per cent of black families city living below the pcverty level in 1979 commared with only 8 cent for whites Clarke 1971 1 Conditions revealed by a survey of inner city residents in 1965 in the middle cf the nericd under review in this paper are summarized as follows Clarke 1971 25 The black family is more likely than the white families of the same income level to be headed woman less likely to be on welfare more likely to be in debt more likely to live in a neighborhood with dirty streets with substandard housing with noisy surroundings with rats with lack of recreational fecilities with overcrowded homes and with ceneral squalor In spite of these poor surroundings there was difference as regards concern about health or children retarded in school or children in trouble with the police between the various racial income groups Avathy about health educational retardation and delinquency do not seen particularly related to any particular race and income group In other vords the relative deprivation of poor blacks could not be attributed to their attitudes Experience in tne civil rights movement fact made poor blacks more likely than poor whites to organize and articulate concern though there arc impediments to cohesive social movements among blacks as will b
34. h of the original pre 1952 city limits raised the issue of where the extension of black residential space might be permitted bearing mind that this would be strongly resisted in existing wnite suburbs Some black housing had already been hinlt in the 1930s 1940s beyond the original western city limits end it was in this direction tnat Llack expansion took place At the end of the 1940s blacks the Mozley Park area just inside the city limits es of rentlemen s agreement worked out with city officials whereby blacks would not move into white residential areas south of certein line Westview Drive In the 1950s blacks moved still further west occupying the white middle class neighbourhood of Collier Heignts which was part of the 1952 annexation The pattern of westward exoansion 18 evident in the racial composition cf cersus tract populations in 1960 Figure 3 1960 the act of one individual rrecioitated what has subsequently become fundamental change in the racial residential geosranhy of Atlanta blecx nnysician moved into the white unner middle class sucdivision of Peyton Forest south of the Westview Drive divide The city ztovernnent tried a number of measures to prevent further black penetration including the symbolic construction of a barricade across the street Peyton Road leading southwards from Westview Drive But the city or inerce enacted to legalize the closing of the street
35. he choice of indicators The starting point for this exercisc 1s a piece of research by Bederman 1974 which provides differentistion of quality of life in Atlanta at the level of the Census tract Becerman identified five factors general headings under which eleven individual indicators were selected Table 1 Data for these variabies were used generate a composite Quality of Life Index ty a method similar to the summation of standard deviates commonly used in social indicators research see Bederman 1974 30 31 The index was celculated for all but three of the 115 census tracts wholly within the city of Atlante 1970 Bederman s map reproduced Figure reveals 2 distinct pattern This closely with the pattern of racial residence see Figure 3 the predominantly black areas generally have relatively low life quality as measured by Bederman s index The initial intention of the present research was to replicate Bederman s work for 1960 and subsequently for 1980 at least to the extent of examining changes revealed by each of Bederman s indicators As Table 1 shows Bederman went the obvicus census measures to include infant mortality and rates of criminal activity However 1 proved impossible to compile 1960 data fer the non census variables because of the absence of the required records ir the County Health Department and the City Police Department Attempts to obtain 1960
36. idential secgregaticn in Atlante between 1950 and 1950 and between 1950 and 1960 This was due in part to the elimination of scattered pockets of black M residences including many rear and alley cwellings criginally occupied by servants working in nearby homes cf whites Stone 1976 Hartshorn et al 1976 47 8 But it also reflected the preservation of racial homogeneity on neighbourhood basis even among the relatively well to do The degree of racial residential polarity in 1960 1970 and 1978 is illustrated grephically in Figure 3 vast majority of census tracts in Atlanta have continued to be occupied predominantly by one race The only obvious difference between the three histograms is the reduction in the number of tracts with over 90 per cent of the population white and corresponding increase in those with cver 90 per cent black which simply represents the rising share of blacks in the overall city population The shiftinr racial geography of this period makes comparison with the Taeubers index hazardous However the number of tracts cut of 102 with 90 per cent or less of their population accounted for by one race i e mixea tracts though not necessarily integrated on a street by street basis was virtually the same in 1960 and 1070 28 against 27 1078 it had risen to 37 reflecting the nace of change in racial geography especially in the southern half of the city soe below where e num
37. ing and the capacity of prosperous economy to provide opportunities for upward mobility to increasing numbers of blacks A plausible set of hypotheses might therefore be that inequality between the races has been reduced and that this is reflected a reduction in inequality among residential areas within the city themselves subject to greater racial integration However what has actually happened could be rather more complicated with some perverse distributive outcomes The physical destruction of the ghetto may not have been accompanied by the rehousing of all those displaced their poverty may simply heve been relocated The whites may have enjoyed economic advancement in aggregate to the same extent as blacks or even at a more rapid rate thus perpetuating or exacerbating inter racial inequality Upward mobility within the black groups may been highly selective And there 18 no guarantee that whatever else has occurred deep seated racial prejudice will have been overcome to the extent that residential integration will have increased Thus an alternative set of hypotheses might be that inequality between the races has not been reduced that the predominantly black areas might display the same or even greater inequality than before that overall inequality among residential areas might have increased rather than decreased and that racial residential polarizstion remains much as before The purpose of this paper is to explor
38. pLTD 41656 11296 HXPCK 10046 KALT PISP DLTD CLKD l GFA 37 LISTERB FI FXPCK LD OK 00 11 LISTERb GOODYEAR KNOW TE NITS DATE START TIME END TUNE RATION USED Bh C OUT PFRPPRPRRRRRREPEERRRRRRLPRRRRRRRRRFFPRERRRRRRRRRRRRRRRR gt GEO2JOB FOR UGFA037 19 06 80 19 30 23 19 32 19 0 00 UNITS TOTAL MI INPUT RE OUTPUT R MAX COR LL TIME CORDS ECORDS E SIZE 16 388 825 18240
39. was challenged in court the barricade was removed in 1963 and well to do blacks moved in substantial numbers into previously exclusively affluent white aeignbcurhoods The white exodus provoked by the first black incursions and encouraged hy the dubiocus practices of real estate salesmen black as well ss white was so rapid as to enable extensive areas to be transferre from solid white to virtually solid black in less than 2 decade The impact is evident in the map for 1970 Figure 3 which shows the consolidation of the westwerd wedge of black residential spacc A less prominent wedge was also enerring cn the eastern side of the city The celebrated sector model of urban residential structure associated with Homer Hoyt accurately describes the pattern of racial differentiation in Atlanta in 1970 Subsequent changes have been no less dramatic than those of the 1960s The map for 1978 Fisure 3 shows that the western black wedge is extending southwards and that a number of previously white tracts the south of the old inner city ghetto are now a state of transition Given the speed with which the transfer cf residential space from whites to blacks can take place the prospect for the 1980s is of the consolidation of black occupation of the southern part of the city leaving tne northern part still exclusively in the han s of whites This renresents the final stage of the break out cf blacks from the old ghetto into suburbia within

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